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Home / Archives for Blogosaurus Lex

Senate Series Part 2: A Bit of History

September 18, 2013 By Carole (Staff Lawyer)

The chamber of the Senate of CanadaIn our last post about the Senate, we started looking at just what the Senate is. As is often the case, though, it is difficult to understand the present, or plan for the future, without delving into a bit of the past.  So that is today’s task!
Does the Senate only exist because we copied the UK?
No. Although our political system is modelled after that of the UK, our founders did not simply mimic the example; they put in a whole lot of careful thought.
In fact, at the confederation meetings in Quebec City in October of 1864, “practically a whole 6 days of the 14 spent in discussing the details of the [union] scheme were given over to the problems of constituting a second chamber.”[1] Furthermore, it turns out that the inclusion of the Senate – in the precise form that it was and still is today – was a critical factor in confederation occurring at all. George Brown, a journalist and one of our founders, stated that the Senate was: “the very essence of our compact. […] Our lower Canadians friends have agreed to give us representation by population in the Lower house, on the express condition that they would have equality in the Upper House. On no other condition could we have advanced a step.” [2]
But why did the founders of our confederation want a Senate?
The above quote from George Brown hints at one of the reasons for the decisions made regarding the make-up of the Senate, but, naturawlly, there were quite a few reasons. Let’s have a look at 3 of the big ones!

  • Regional Representation:  In the late 1800s, Canada was made up of wide expanses of land, with very different interests and huge variations in populations (still is, just in a different way, but more on that in a later post). A strict representation by population would give certain parts of the country a whole lot more of a say in things that other parts of the county. Why would areas with less people and completely different interests sign up to be governed by a group of people who lived thousands of miles away and knew nothing about their land and their neighbours? Well that’s just it, they didn’t really want to … unless they had some guarantee that somewhere, somehow, their region and their people would be heard, would be learned about, and would have a strong voice.  Hence, a second chamber where there is representation by region – as opposed to the representation by population in the House of Commons.  As noted by Alexander Campbell during the Confederation debates: “the principle of election [of the senate] kept alive a germ of doubt as to the security of the Lower Provinces.”[3] Similarly, Sir John A MacDonald said, as he was pointing out all many of the region’s interests and differences:  “In order to protect local interests, and to prevent sectional jealousies, it was found requisite that the three great divisions into which British north America is separated should be represented in the Upper House on the principle of Equality.” [4]
  • Checks and Balances:  A second house, regardless of its make-up, is meant to be a place of “sober second thought”:  a place somewhat protected from the partisanship that can sometimes plague the assembly (i.e.: House of Commons).  A place to ensure that the government of the day does indeed have the mandate to do what it proposes and to do extensive study to ensure that new laws are in the public interest of the time. [5]  In other words, the Senate was to be: “security for political dissent, and respect for minority political rights” and to curb “high-handedness in the Commons”.[6]  According to Sir John A MacDonald:  “It would be of no value whatever were it a mere chamber for registering the decrees of the Lower House. It must be an independent house, having a free action of its own, for it is only valuable as being a regulating body, calmly considering the legislation initiated by the popular branch, but it will never set itself in opposition against the deliberate and understood wishes of the people.”[7]
  • Broader representation of citizens:  There was a fear that having an elected Senate (which was – and may be again – one of the options) would result in just a second version of the House of Commons, “made up for the most part of citizens who have already made their mark in life [which] might in the end have over-shadowed the assembly, just as the Senate of the United States has over-shadowed [their] House of Representatives.”[8] The founders wanted to ensure that other people (ok, they said men, but we say people), worthy for other reasons, knowledgeable in other areas, who might never choose to undergo the process of running for office, would also have the opportunity to use their expertise in the governance of this new country.  As noted by H.L. Langevin: “…because the very nature of the system prevents a large number of men of talent, of men qualified in every respect and worthy to sit in the Legislative Council, from presenting themselves for the suffrages of the elections, in consequence of the trouble, the fatigue and the enormous expense resulting from these electoral contests in enormous divisions. We know that the system has wearied Lower Canada.”[9]

How then did the founders attempt to ensure that these goals were reflected in the Senate make-up?
In keeping with these stated goals, the founders of confederation included some very specific provisions in the Constitution Act 1867 (formerly known as the British North America Act 1867).
Regional Representation:   When the Senate was established in 1867, the country was divided into 3 regions and each given a certain number of the 72 Senate seats:  Upper Canada (24), Lower Canada (24) and the Maritimes (Nova Scotia (10), New Brunswick (10) and Prince Edward Island (4)).  Any Canadian citizen – by birth or naturalization – who was at least 30 years of age could become a Senator. That citizen had to reside in the province from which he (it was only men at the time!) was appointed. As well, he had to have at least a $4000 net worth and own or have equity in $4000 of property in the province of appointment.[10]  It was believed that coming from and having property in the province of appointment would help to ensure that candidate’s vested interested in, and ingrained perspective of, that region.
Checks and Balances:  In order to help ensure that there was not duplication of roles, and that representation by the people was respected for what it was meant to me, the Constitution Act 1867 clearly defines the differences in the roles of Senators and Ministers of Parliament (MPs).  For example, the documents that appointed Senators stated that they were appointed: “for the purpose of obtaining […] advice and assistance in all weighty and arduous affairs which may be the State and Defence of Canada concern” – this is a different function from elected members who represent their constituents.  Another difference?  Although the Senate can amend “money bills”, it cannot introduce them. As is stated in section 53 on the Constitution Act 1867, “[b]ills for appropriating any part of the Public Revenue, or Imposing any Tax or Impost shall originate in the House of Commons.”
Broader representation of citizens:   Rather than be elected, Senators were to be appointed, by the Governor General, in the name of the King. The Governor General acted customarily on the advice of the Prime Minister, so, effectively, Senators were to be appointed by Prime Ministers. There were no constitutional rules regarding past experience or party affiliation; the idea was that Senators were to be selected based on achievements in their professional field. When the first Senate was selected in 1867, the senators were selected from the provincial legislative assemblies and there was equal representation from government and opposition parties.
As was the case with the last post, this just leads to many more questions, doesn’t it? Fear not gentle reader, lots more fascinating information is on its way. Stay tuned!


For more information on the history of the Senate (and I know that some of you may want this!), see:

  • The Senate of Canada (Committees and Private Legislation Directorate), A Legislative and Historical Overview of the Senate of Canada, accessed on September 13, 2013.
  • Janet Ajzenstat, “Bicameralism and Canada’s Founders: The Origins of the Canadian Senate”, Protecting Canadian Democracy, edited by Senator Serge Joyal, (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2003), pages 3-30.
  • Senator Donald Oliver, The History of the Canadian Senate and Senate Reform, accessed on September 13, 2013. http://senatordonaldoliver.ca/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=32&Itemid=97.
  • Senator Serge Joyal, “The Senate as the Embodiment of the Federal Principle.” Protecting Canadian Democracy, edited by Senator Serge Joyal, (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2003), pages 271-316.


[1] Robert A. MacKay, The Unreformed Senate of Canada (Toronto” McClelland and Stewart, 1963), p. 36 (MacKay)

[2] Mackay, p. 38.

[3] Parliamentary Debates on the Subject of Confederation of the British North American Provinces (Quebec: Hunter Rose, 1865), p. 22 (Debates).

[4] Debates, p.35.

[5] These differences in roles are reflected in the differences in power between the House of Commons and the Senate (more on that later).

[6] Janet Ajzenstat, “Bicameralism and Canada’s Founders: The Origins of the Canadian Senate”, Protecting Canadian Democracy, edited by Serge Joyal, (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2003, pp. 3 and 4 (Ajzenstat).

[7] Debates, p.36.

[8] Mackay, p. 31.

[9] Debates, p.373.

[10] As opposed to the system in the UK, where the position is heridatary.

Filed Under: Blogosaurus Lex Tagged With: constitutional law, Senate

Public Legal Education: Making a Difference

September 3, 2013 By Lois Gander

CPLEA - Career Opportunity Executive Director
Many people don’t access our justice system because they don’t even know they have a legal problem.
They worry about what that experience would  be like if they did.
How do they know where to go or who to turn to? What is expected of them at a law office or court house? What are they supposed to do? Or worse, not do? What options you they have? And what kind of justice will they get anyway?
Better yet, how can people avoid getting into a legal predicament in the first place?
These are the kinds of questions that people who provide various public legal education services in Alberta ask themselves on a daily basis. Then they set out to devise ways to address them.
These questions are particularly key to the work done by the Centre for Public Legal Education Alberta which now has over 35 years in developing innovative programs, resources, and services to help landlords and tenants, charitable organizations, seniors, victims of domestic violence, homeless youth, students, teachers, and almost everyone else get the legal knowledge they need to deal with very immediate problems they are experiencing in their families, workplaces, or communities. Every year over one hundred volunteers, most of them lawyers, work with the multidisciplinary professional staff of CPLEA to bridge the gap between the public and their legal system, not only to enhance access to legal remedies but also to create more satisfying experiences with the justice system.
Fundamental to the maintenance of a peaceful and orderly society is respect for the rule of law. Respect is built on a solid foundation of knowledge, positive experiences with the legal system, an understanding of both the power of the law and its limits, and a robust concept of justice. Building that foundation is what public legal education is all about.
The current Executive Director of CPLEA is retiring. As a result, CPLEA is now seeking an Executive Director to continue to provide leadership within the province but also nationally and internationally in enhancing the accessibility and quality of justice realized in Canada. This is an exciting opportunity for someone with a passion for social justice, an understanding of the legal world, the personality and skills to lead a dynamic organization, and the experience to manage a medium-size charitable organization. For more information about both CPLEA and the Executive Director position, visit www.cplea.ca.
Lois Gander, Q.C.

Filed Under: Blogosaurus Lex Tagged With: career opportunities

Prorogation Take 3!

August 19, 2013 By Carole (Staff Lawyer)

Parliament of CanadaAs you have probably heard, yesterday the Prime Minister announced that he will be asking the Governor General to prorogue Parliament until October (the original return date of Parliament was September 16th).
Sound familiar? That’s because prorogation also occurred in 2008 and 2010. But what exactly does ‘prorogation’ mean? Good news…we have an answer for that!
Each Parliament (which can last up to 5 years) is made up of one or more sessions, each consisting of a number of separate sittings (meetings), separated by periods of adjournment. Each session, except the final one, ends when Parliament is “prorogued” by the Governor General (on the advice of the Prime Minister). The final session ends with the “dissolution” of Parliament and the calling of a general election.
Prorogation is, in essence, suspending the operations of Parliament. However, it is more than an “adjournment.”

  • When Parliament is adjourned (or “recessed”), it can reconvene anytime; when it is prorogued, it can only reconvene when summoned back from the Governor General.
  • When Parliament is adjourned, business would just continue until Parliament reconvenes. When Parliament is prorogued, on the other hand, most unfinished business dies and committees cease to function. Parliament then stands prorogued until the opening of the next session on a specified date. This date may be changed by a further proclamation. Government bills that have not received Royal Assent prior to prorogation can be reinstated in the next session only if the House takes a decision to this effect. All items of Private Members’ Business are automatically reinstated. Tabling of documents before the House must await the beginning of the new session. Requests for responses to petitions and for the production of papers remain in effect, as do requests made for government responses to committee reports.

Intrigued? Want to know why this happens? How often it has happened in the past? What it all means?  More good news… we have even more answers on our Canadian Legal FAQs website and in a previous issue of LawNow.  See for example the following articles :

  • The Canadian Crown: The Role of the Governor General by Kenneth Munro
  • Prorogation: A Powerful Tool Forged by History by Charles Davison
  • Viewpoint: Parliamentary Fairy Tales by Helen Forsey

Even more information can be found in these articles about The Parliamentary Cycle and The Parliament of Canada.

Filed Under: Blogosaurus Lex Tagged With: constitutional law, prorogation

Senate Series Part 1: An Introduction to the Senate

August 2, 2013 By Margo (Associate Director)

The following is a guest post by Vani Govindarajan, a third year law student who is volunteering with the Centre for Public Legal Education Alberta.
The chamber of the Senate of Canada
There has been quite a furor about the Senate this summer. We’ve heard about everything from expenses and audits, ethics and accountability, to possibilities for election, appointment, reform, and abolition.
But what is the Senate? What does it do? Why do we have one? A series of blog posts this summer will try to answer some of these key questions to help us understand the Senate and all the discussion about the bigger questions of whether we should to keep it as is, reform it, or even need it at all.
Let’s start with some basic information.
What is a “senate”?
The word senate comes from the Latin word ‘senatus’ and means council of old men. However, Canada’s Senate is now composed of both men and women, after the Privy Council in London declared that women were ‘persons’ (click here to read our post about the Persons Case.). And while many would agree that 35 years old is not ‘old’, a senator must be at least that age before he or she can be appointed to the Senate. In contrast, someone can be elected to the House of Commons at age 18.
As an aside, Canada’s Senate is sometimes called the “red chamber” because of the chamber’s decor. Red is the colour of royalty and the Senate chamber is where the King comes to visit Parliament.
What is the difference between a Senate and Upper Chamber?
Canada’s federal Parliament has a bicameral Legislature, meaning it has two chambers or houses. The Senate is the name given to the upper chamber. The lower chamber is the House of Commons. These two houses, together with the King, form the Parliament of Canada.
The Constitution Act, 1867 sets out that the Upper House is to be called the “Senate” and its members “Senators”. Canadian provinces and other countries have given other names to the upper house or chamber. For example, provincial governments before Confederation, including the Province of Canada, called their upper chambers “Legislative Councils”. In the United Kingdom, the upper chamber is called the House of Lords.
Why do we have a Senate in Canada?
The preamble of the Constitution Act, 1867, formerly the British North America Act, 1867, explains the objective of adopting a constitution “similar in principle” to that of the United Kingdom. Canada’s Parliament is modelled after the United Kingdom’s Parliament, which has two houses: the House of Commons and the House of Lords.
While Parliament was to be similar in principle to the UK Parliament, there are some differences in how the Canadian Senate is modelled. The first is that representation in the Senate is based on regions. Another difference is that Senate positions are not hereditary appointments and so the number of Senators is fixed. As a young country without a land-owning aristocracy, there was no ability to attach a position in the Senate to title, and appointment or election became the only real options for selection to the Senate.
Purpose of the Senate
Even during negotiations at Quebec in 1864, the ‘Fathers of Confederation’ were far from being in agreement on representation or on the selection of Senators and that was partly because of different views of its potential role.  The Senate that was ultimately created may be said to have had two major functions.
The first was to review and revise legislation and be a check against the political majority in the House of Commons. It is this function that the first Prime Minister Sir John A. MacDonald was referring to when he said the Senate was to be the house of “sober second thought”.
A second major purpose of the Senate was to represent the regions in a new Confederation. Lower Canada (Quebec) and the Maritime colonies were concerned with protecting historical, linguistic and religious identities, as well as local economic interests. The House of Commons was to be governed by the principle of ‘representation by population’ (which had not been the case in the Province of Canada) and, fearing the dominance of Upper Canada (Ontario), smaller provinces demanded equality in the Senate.
Do any of the provincial legislatures have senates?
Not anymore. Many pre-Confederation colonies had elected upper chambers, known as Legislative Councils. Most were appointed although Prince Edward Island had an elected Legislative Council.  The Province of Canada appointed its members until 1856, after which new members were elected for life terms. One of the biggest reasons why provinces with an upper chamber have since abolished it is the expense of maintaining a second body. As well, there was often a challenge to find qualified people because the Governor-General would often choose senators from provincial upper chambers. Quebec was the last province to abolish its upper house in 1968.
Answers or More Questions?
This post may have left you with more questions: what rules are in place to achieve regional representation? Did the ‘Fathers of Confederation’ make similar arguments about whether the Senate should be appointed and elected body that we are still having today? The next post will look at how someone can become a Senator…and how they can be disqualified.
Further reading:

  • About the Senate, according to the Senate: http://sen.parl.gc.ca/portal/about-senate-e.htm
  • A Background on the Senate: http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/story/2010/07/09/f-senate-background.html

Filed Under: Blogosaurus Lex Tagged With: constitutional law, Senate

The Preliminary Inquiry – Part 3 of 3

July 31, 2013 By Carole (Staff Lawyer)

So now that you know the who, what, where, when, why and the how of PIs, let’s look at what the current debate is.  In other words, why should you as a resident of Alberta care about this issue?
Basically….. this is another question of balance (such a surprise, I know!). How do we balance the rights of people (the accused, the victims, the taxpayers…to name a few) and the interests of the legal tenants that our democracy is based upon (speedy trial, not to be arbitrarily detained or imprisoned, to know the case against you…to name a few).
Let’s look at some of the arguments on both the pro and the con sides of the PI issue (and this is by no means an exhaustive list –  just a few things that come to mind on a summer afternoon).
Let’s start with the con PI side.

  • PIs result in hearing and examining the same evidence twice; it is fiscally more efficient to do this only once. Everything that is dealt with at PIs can be dealt with at trial.
  • With PIs, victims are put through the ordeal of having to testify, and having to be cross-examined twice. This can be unnecessarily traumatizing.
  • With the rules requiring disclosure, PIs are no longer necessary. Disclosure already meets the right of knowing the case against you. This is duplication.
  • The Provincial Court (where PIs occur) is clogged, and it is resulting in the dismissal of cases and therefore, the denial of justice to victims.
  • The system can be trusted to not bring frivolous or unjustified charges.
  • In order to continue protecting the rights of the accused, PIs could be maintained for the most serious cases.

And now the pro PI side.

  • The clogging of the Provincial Court is not merely the result of PIs. Similarly, PIs are not necessarily the source of pre-trial delay. Depending on the nature of the case, there may be other pre-trial motions or hearings that take place before the trial. Are changes to PIs really the best solution to PC clogging?
  • PIs can often have a “clarifying effect” and therefore lead to cost savings. Depending on the evidence that emerges, an accused may decide to plead guilty, or the Crown may decide not to proceed to trial (i.e.: the charges are withdrawn).  Alternatively, a PI can lead to agreed evidence, thus shortening the subsequent trail.
  • The evidence presented in a PI can lead to additional or more serious charges, thus a more accurate charge for the crime alleged to have been committed by the Accused.
  • What evidence you see from disclosure (i.e. on paper) is not the same thing as testing the strength of that evidence. For example: cross-examination often leads to more information, such as a clearer picture of the credibility of witnesses.
  • A lack of PIs could lead to a greater number of frivolous charges, and unjustified detention of accused persons.  As a result, getting rid of preliminary hearings could lead to unnecessary trials, appeals, mistrials and wrongful convictions, and, naturally, an increase in trials listed in Court of King’s Bench.

Complicated issue isn’t it? Not so easy to analyze without a whole a bunch of thought, analysis, and perhaps some statistics.
As is always the case, there are no easy answers to this one. This is very complex stuff, and all our rights – both as potential accused and potential victims, and as loved ones of other potential accused and potential victims –  are on the line.  So, too, are our interests as tax-payers.
The issue is currently under review by a working group of officials from all levels of government. Go learn more, go ask some questions, and go put in your two cents… it is both your right and your obligation as a member of this democracy.

Filed Under: Blogosaurus Lex

The Preliminary Inquiry – Part 2 of 3

July 30, 2013 By Carole (Staff Lawyer)

Yesterday, we started to learn about the current debate around Preliminary Inquiries (PIs). More specifically, we examined why PIs are currently an issue and what exactly a PI is. Today, we’ll delve a little deeper.
Who and When: So who gets a PI and when does it occur. Is it every accused, every time? No.
When someone is charged with a crime, the criminal charges can be handled in one of three different ways (depending on what the Criminal Code of Canada says about that particular crime). Crimes are divided as follows.

  • Summary conviction offences: these crimes are often sometimes considered to be ‘less serious’ crimes, carry a lesser penalty.
  • Indictable offences: these are consideredmore ‘serious’ offences and have greater penalties.
  • Dual or hybrid offences: these are a bit of a mix of the two. In a nutshell: the Crown prosecutor can choose whether to prosecute the case by way of summary conviction or indictment, depending on the circumstances of the case.

Trials for summary offences are heard before a judge in the Provincial Court and there are NO preliminary inquiries.
For indictable offences, on the other hand, (unless it as offence for which the Provincial Court has absolute jurisdiction – i.e. the case has to go Provincial Court) the Accused has the right to have his/her trial either before a Provincial Court judge or a Court of King’s Bench justice (with or without a jury – the Accused chooses that, too). The process of the Accused deciding which court will hear the trial is called “making an election.”  If the Accused elects to have the trial in the Court of King’s Bench (“KB”), there will be a preliminary inquiry (unless the Accused waives that right, or unless the Crown proceeds by way of direct indictment – more on that coming right up).
Where: If, after all of that of that charging and electing, a preliminary inquiry is to occur, it will be held in Provincial Court. Then the trial, if it goes ahead, will be in KB.
More When: Let’s look at it from another angle. When will there not be a PI?

  • If it is a summary offence.
  • If the Accused elects to have the trial in Provincial, there will not be a preliminary hearing.
  • If the Accused elects not to have the PI, there will not be a PI. It is believed that this does not happen terribly often, but it does happen. An example of this was the recent BC toddler-kidnapping case. (There are no doubt many reasons an Accused may choose to go this route. A few examples include:  the Accused intends to plead guilty and wants to avoid publicity and/or expense; the Accused is guilty of more than the charged offenses and fears further charges from the evidence that may come out at the PI, or the defence already knows that the evidence is sufficient and wants to avoid wasting time and public expense);
  • If the Crown proceeds by way of direct indictment.  Direct Indictment is a power described in s.577 of the Criminal Code. Essentially, this a power held by the Attorney General to direct that the matter go straight to trial (without a PI), usually on the grounds that is it in the public interest to do so. In order to get a direct indictment, the Crown must obtain the personal consent in writing of either the Attorney General or the Deputy Attorney General.  It has been held that, in and of itself, such an action does not necessarily violate and Charter rights. Historically, this direct indictment has not occurred that often, but it is on the rise in Alberta, from a total 10 in 2010 to 35 in the first 6 months of 2013. You might recognize some of the cases:  Travis Vader (the McCann disappearance); Travis Baumgartner (the G4S shooting) and the Baby M case.

Why? But what is purpose of all of this, you say (aren’t you the inquisitive one!)….. can’t we just figure this out at the start of the trial itself?
Historically, the PI was also used by the Defence to learn about the Crown’s case (i.e. what evidence did they have exactly), but now that purpose is also served by a mandatory process known as “discovery” (wherein the Crown has to tell the defence about its evidence).
These days, as our Supreme Court of Canada has noted, the PI: “is meant to be a pre-trial screening procedure aimed at filtering out weak cases that do not merit trial. Its paramount purpose is to ‘protect the accused from a needless, and indeed, improper, exposure to public trial where the enforcement agency is not in possession of evidence to warrant the continuation of the process.’ The justice evaluates the admissible evidence to determine whether it is sufficient to justify requiring the accused to stand trial.”
In other words, the PI is sort of like hospital triage, or an x-ray: it is meant to help determine whether or not a case warrants the time and resources of a full trial, and it helps to narrow the focus the case (one learns what part are clearly evidenced and what parts are not). If the evidence is weak or non-existent, then the judge can dismiss the case. This step is meant to ensure that the time of the court is not wasted on frivolous or weak cases. It also has a focus on the rights and freedom of the accused, as, remember, an accused may be held in custody until trial (depending on whether or not s/he gets bail), so if it is frivolous, we want to know sooner rather than later.

Filed Under: Blogosaurus Lex

The Preliminary Inquiry – who, what, when, where, how and why you should care. A blogpost in 3 parts.

July 29, 2013 By Carole (Staff Lawyer)

Unless you are away on holiday, and basking in the summer sun (at which point, you might not want to read the news), you’ve probably heard of the recent proposal to do away with the preliminary inquiry (“PI”) in all but the most serious of cases. As this is not a topic that most Albertans know a great deal about, but since many Albertans would be affected by a change of law in this area, we thought we’d provide some background and context to the question. Talk about some fun summer reading!
Why?  Let’s start with why this is an issue right now.
This most recent go-around stems from a sexual assault case out of Airdrie. In that case, the accused was arrested and charged in September 2009. The matter did not come up for trial until October 2012. At that time, the defense applied for a judicial stay (i.e. that the issue be dropped), claiming that delay had violated the Accused’s right to be tried within a reasonable time (which is a Charter right – s.11(b)). The judge agreed. This effectively ended the prosecution. The accused cannot be tried again.
But what does this have to do with Preliminary Inquiries, I hear you ask? (Ok, not really, but I’m going to pretend.) After the Airdrie case, the Alberta government conducted a review to look at how to improve the delivery of justice in serious and violent criminal cases. In that review, (Injecting a Sense of Urgency ) there were 17 recommendations, including using direct indictments (i.e.: eliminating PIs) except in the most serious and complex of cases.
What? So what exactly is a Preliminary Inquiry (which, by the way, used to be called “the preliminary hearing”)?
A Preliminary Inquiry is a hearing that takes place to determine whether there is enough evidence to justify sending the case to trial (like the “Grand Jury” thing you see on TV in Law and Order – but that is American, so it is different). The PI is less formal that a trial, takes less time, and does not determine innocence or guilt or even whether or not the accused is probably guilty.
How? So how exactly does a PI work? Here is basically what happens:

  • The preliminary inquiry (described in s.535 of the Criminal Code) occurs in Provincial Court, in front of a Provincial Court judge.
  • The Crown prosecutor presents evidence and calls witnesses.
  • The Defence does not present its case, but the Defence lawyer does have the right to cross-examine Crown witnesses.
  • The Accused has the right to be present.
  •  If the judge decides that there is not enough evidence, the judge wills dismiss the case and discharge the Accused, who is then free to go.
  •  If there is enough evidence, the judge will order that the Accused stand trial in the Court of Queen’s Bench and a trial date is set.

Well that is probably a good start for today. Tomorrow, we’ll look at the PI in a bit more depth, including at the when, where and why. Stay tuned!

Filed Under: Blogosaurus Lex

Employers' Legal Obligations During Major Disasters

July 19, 2013 By Margo (Associate Director)

LawNow Employment Law columnWhen faced with imminent danger and threats of disaster, employers may not immediately consider their legal obligations to their employees. 

Employers should have a plan for disaster response or business interruption.  Stephen M. Torscher and Peter Bowal’s article in LawNow magazine highlights some elements to keep in mind.

Here’s an excerpt from their article that talks about the obligations of employers to pay employees when work is disrupted following a disaster.

Many employers in Calgary and elsewhere in southern Alberta advised their workers to not report to work during and in the aftermath of the flood.  Are employers obligated to pay those employees who normally would have worked during that time?

Fundamentally, the employment relationship is contractual.  The consideration for salary is service.  If the employee does not provide service, the employer is not obligated to pay the employee subject to statutory and contractual obligations.  However, compassionate flexibility and good sense should prevail.  Often there may be more value in supporting employees through these troubled times by creating a positive and accommodating work environment than strictly adhering to the letter of the law.  This may mean paying wage despite no legal requirement to do so.

Employers can likely cancel shifts for casual employees who are normally free to accept or refuse work during these times with little risk subject, of course, to minimum pay requirements for employees who may have already begun their shift before being sent home.  The situation is more complicated for other employees.  Employers should consider options for having these employees report to a different location or working from home.

Learn more about the employment relationship in Torscher and Bowal’s article Employers’ Legal Obligations During Major Disasters.

Filed Under: Blogosaurus Lex

After the Flood for Landlords and Tenants in Alberta

June 28, 2013 By Rochelle (Staff Lawyer)

With help from some great people, we’ve developed a resource for landlords and tenants who have been devastated by the floods in Alberta. You can click the picture below to read the info sheet, and you can click here to listen to an audio Q & A version. Thanks to Marc Affeld at CJSW 90.9 FM, Calgary’s Community Radio station, for developing the recording and making it available.

  • Repairs
  • After the Fire for Landlords & Tenants in Alberta
  • After the Flood for Landlords & Tenants in Alberta
 So many people in Alberta have been involved with the floods; please pass this information along to those who need it.

The resource answers common questions, like:

  • What if the rental property has been damaged by a flood?
  • Does the tenant have to keep paying the rent after a flood?
  • Can the tenant move out because of the flood?
  • Can the landlord use the security deposit to pay for damages?
  • Who pays for stuff that is damaged?
  • What if the tenant thinks the property isn’t safe or healthy to live in?
  • Tips to help
  • Where can tenants and landlords get more help?

AfterTheFloodPromoImage

Filed Under: Blogosaurus Lex

New CRTC Code for Cell Phone Contracts

June 4, 2013 By Kristy (Communications Coordinator)

phonecontracts
Click the image to see the full infographic.

The CRTC has issued a new code for cell phone contracts. This code, which will apply to new contracts starting December 2, 2013, allows consumers to:

  • terminate their wireless contracts after two years without cancellation fees, even if they have signed on for a longer term;
  • cap extra data charges at $50/month and international data roaming charges at $100/month to prevent bill shock;
  • have their cellphones unlocked after 90 days, or immediately if they paid for the device in full;
  • return their cellphones, within 15 days and specific usage limits, if they are unhappy with their service;
  • accept or decline changes to the key terms of a fixed-term contract (i.e., 2-year); and,
  • receive a contract that is easy to read and understand.

In the meantime, if you have questions about your wireless contract, you can check out our infographic, “Phone Contracts: Are they right for you?”

Filed Under: Blogosaurus Lex Tagged With: cell phone contracts, CRTC

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